{"id":246,"date":"1966-06-01T11:12:29","date_gmt":"1966-06-01T15:12:29","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/revilo-oliver.com\/news\/?p=246"},"modified":"2010-07-23T11:15:23","modified_gmt":"2010-07-23T15:15:23","slug":"the-shadow-of-empire-francis-parker-yockey-after-twenty-years","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.revilo-oliver.com\/news\/1966\/06\/the-shadow-of-empire-francis-parker-yockey-after-twenty-years\/","title":{"rendered":"The Shadow of Empire: Francis Parker Yockey After Twenty Years"},"content":{"rendered":"<p>by Revilo P. Oliver<br \/>\n(<em>The American Mercury<\/em>, June 1966)<\/p>\n<p>IN 1857, less than fifty thousand British troops  overawed and held in check the whole of the teeming subcontinent of India while suppressing the mutiny of almost a quarter of a million sepoys, native  troops whom they had trained and armed.<\/p>\n<p>Less than a hundred years later, the British, at a  time when they had at their disposal tanks, airplanes, high-explosive and  incendiary bombs, poison gas, and all the other weapons of modern warfare that are,  by their very nature, a monopoly of great powers, meekly and cravenly  surrendered India \u2014 not only surrendered the territory, but, hat in hand, recognized  as equal or superior &#8220;nations&#8221; the natives whom a few regiments had once reduced to total submission.<\/p>\n<p>In a century, the British, for whom the  determination and blood of their heroes had won an empire on which the sun never set, were reduced \u2014 or reduced themselves \u2014 to a herd of sheep, huddled together  on an island, on which the sun may soon set for the last time.<!--more--><\/p>\n<p>And now, that there may be no debasement that they  have not brought on themselves, the cud-chewing herd have endorsed by their votes  a scabrous agitator, the hireling of international criminals, on whose  behalf he notoriously plans to use the remnant of the British army to despoil and  butcher the yet virile and rational British in Rhodesia. That vile policy may  fail, and the unspeakable Mr. Wilson may be unable to please his employers by  furnishing their pet cannibals with white meat. But morally it is not the result  but the intent that counts, and all who voted for an arrant traitor to his race  and people will henceforth bear on their brows the indelible mark of Cain.<\/p>\n<p>Britain is one of the terrible spectacles of  history that no man can contemplate without feeling a melancholy blend of pity and awe &#8212;  that no thinking man can contemplate without asking himself whether such  cataclysmic changes are wrought by the weakness and folly of men or by blind and ineluctable forces of nature. That is the great problem of history.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: center;\"><strong>Urgent Problem<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>For us, the problem became urgent in the early  decades of the Twentieth Century, when thoughtful men began to suspect or foresee  that the world&#8217;s mightiest civilization was moving rapidly toward a climax that  might be catastrophe. There have been many attempts to ascertain and formulate  laws of history that would enable us to predict \u2014or, perchance, to control\u2014our  future. This study, both analytic and synthetic, of the historical process is  often called historionomy, and by now it has produced thousands of books and articles \u2014 but the powerful and original minds that have been engaged in  this inquiry do not number more than a score. As a kind of introduction to  them (including Francis Parker Yockey), I undertook a survey of which the  first four installments appeared in <em>American Opinion<\/em> for May, June, November, and December, 1963.<\/p>\n<p>The great modern philosopher of history is, of  course, Oswald Spengler, whose <em>Decline of the West<\/em> formulated the problem  in terms so clear and universal that everything written on the subject  since 1918 has perforce had to be a commentary on Spengler \u2014 an attempt to extend,  modify, or refute his magisterial synthesis. That great work, which has  certainly been read and pondered by all who are interested in a philosophy of history,  is not the clearest and most immediate proof of Spengler&#8217;s genius. That is to  be found in a shorter and later book that comparatively few seem to have read, <em>Die Jahre  der Ent-scheidung<\/em> , of which the first volume was published in Germany (Munich, 1933) and felicitously translated into English by  Charles Francis Atkinson as <em>The Hour of Decision<\/em> (New York, Knopf, 1934).  The displeasure of the Hitlerian regime precluded the publication of a  second volume during Spengler&#8217;s lifetime, and it is reported that no manuscript  of it was found among his papers by his executors. The published volume,  however, is complete in itself and, as a cogent and accurate analysis of the  contemporary world, does not depend for its validity on Spengler&#8217;s philosophy. It has  been abundantly confirmed by subsequent events, and it is nothing less than a  basic textbook for all who would understand the world today. The German text  has been reprinted (Munich, C. H. Beck, DM 9.60) and is readily available; the  English translation, I understand, can still occasionally be found on the  second-hand market.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: center;\"><strong>Spengler&#8217;s Disciple<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Francis Parker Yockey proudly proclaimed himself  the disciple of the man to whom he often refers as simply The Philosopher,  and it is true that at least a general understanding of Spengler&#8217;s historionomy  is taken for granted in the pages of Yockey&#8217;s major work. But the young  American had his own method and reached conclusions of his own. We must recognize  in him a powerful and original mind. And we must be grateful that his  <em>Imperium<\/em>, which a few years ago was one of the rarest of rare books, is now available in  a handsome and beautifully printed edition from <a href=\"http:\/\/noontidepress.com\/\">The Noontide Press<\/a>.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: center;\"><strong>I<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>This is not a book for &#8220;liberal intellectuals&#8221; or other children. No man can study history until he has learned that he  must study it objectively and dispassionately, without reference to his  emotions or predilections.. Whether you view Caesar with admiration or horror,  whether you love or hate him, has nothing whatever to do with the fact that he was victorious at Pharsalus.<\/p>\n<p>No man should consider problems in historionomy if  he does not realize that the only question before him will be the accuracy of  the diagnosis or prognosis. The validity of the analysis does not in the  least depend on the reader&#8217;s emotional reaction to the future that it  portends. When a physician diagnoses diabetes or arteriosclerosis or cancer, the only  question is whether he has observed the symptoms accurately and reasoned from  them correctly. Our wish that the patient did not have the disease is utterly  irrelevant.<\/p>\n<p>Infantile minds, accustomed to living almost  entirely in the vaporous realm of their own imagination, are incapable of distinguishing between reality and their own fancies. That is why I counsel &#8220;liberal intellectuals\u201d not to read <em>Imperium<\/em>. If they are able to understand it,  the book will certainly send them into a tantrum and may induce a paroxysmic\u00a0 fit. They had better stay in their academic lecture-halls or other play-pens, where they can be happy making  mud-pies, which they can call &#8220;world peace\u201d\u00a0 and about which they can dance in a circle, chanting<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: center;\"><em>Higgledy-piggledy, my fat hen,<br \/>\nNow we&#8217;ve got a big U.N.<\/em><\/p>\n<p>I also hope that <em>Imperium<\/em> will not fall into  the hands of tenderhearted Conservatives who want to Love Everybody. Those  dear ladies have noble souls, but they are much too good for this world.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: center;\"><strong>II<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Spengler&#8217;s morphology\u00a0 of\u00a0 history and therefore Yockey&#8217;s, is open to challenge at some points that are so basic that  they are virtually premises. It will here suffice to mention briefly three  cardinal points.<\/p>\n<p>(1) There is undoubtedly an analogy between  civilized society and a biological organism, The frontispiece to the first edition  of Hobbe&#8217;s <em>Leviathan<\/em> (1651) depicts a giant whose enormous body is composed  of an infinite multiude of men and women, each of whom is a tiny and scarcely discernible part of the giant&#8217;s hair or eyes or fingers or other organs.  As a symbolic representation of the complex unity of a nation or  civilization, that has validity. In that sense, one of Spengler&#8217;s followers, Alexander  Raven, is justified in speaking of a culture as a &#8220;divine superman&#8221; formed of millions of human beings. But the symbolic analogy does not prove that a culture, which is by definition a body of common beliefs and values \u2014 of  thoughts and sentiments that are impalpable and immaterial \u2014 is itself a  biological organism subject to the biological processes that decree the birth, adolescence, maturity, senescence, and death of all living things. Why  need a culture decay? How can a body of concepts and ideas suffer physical deterioration? The hypothesis that cultures have a life-cycle depends on Spengler&#8217;s chronological parallels, of which the most important and best documented is obtained by positing that Classical civilization was  completely distinct from, and alien to, our own. This forces Spengler, Yockey,  Raven, Lawrence Brown, and others to dismiss as a &#8220;pseudo-morphosis,&#8221; a kind of universal hallucination, the West&#8217;s absolute certainty, down to the Twentieth Century, that it was a continuation of Graeco-Roman  civilization. The problem thus posed is intricate, and one would have to write a treatise  to discuss it. I cannot, however, be persuaded that a thousand indications  of very close relationship are illusory. For example, of all the cultures and civilizations that flourished on this earth before ours, only the  Classical ascertained that the earth is a globe and only the Classical saw that  the earth could be moving in an annual orbit about the sun. No other people, so  far as we know, had a mentality that could conceive of a spherical earth or  contemplate the possibility that the earth was not the center of the universe. One  could cite many other, examples, equally significant.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: center;\"><strong>Pseudo-Science<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>(3) Spengler assumed such plasticity of human  nature that he greatly underestimated and almost ignored the biological differences  between human beings. Spengler was deceived by the pseudo-scientific data forged  or distorted by the school of Franz Boas, a twisted little man consumed  with hatred of the stupid Americans who had admitted him to their country and endowed him with a lush professorship \u2014 which he used to peddle  pro-Communist propaganda under the guise of &#8220;science.&#8221; (On Boas, see the Veritas Foundation&#8217;s <em>The Great Deceit: Social Pseudo-Sciences<\/em>, which is  an excellent and indeed invaluable book, although unfortunately marred by  some historical errors in digression that are irrelevant to the main subject.  The book is entirely reliable in its description of the ways in which Fabian-Socialist-Bolshevik conspirators infiltrated, captured, and  debauched American colleges and universities.)<\/p>\n<p>Spengler cites Boas with unjustified respect, and  Yockey follows Spengler, though with some prudent reservations. Both try to  refute genetics by citing examples of apparently total cultural assimilation;  they do not see that these could be explained by phenomena they recognize  elsewhere: the cultural passivity of the majority in all nations and cultures, and  the tendency of isolated individuals to adapt themselves to the society in which they  find themselves. It is true that Orientals in the West have conformed, with  apparent eagerness and sincerity, to Occidental culture; it is also true that  white men have &#8220;gone native&#8221; among the American Indians and Polynesians. The one example proves no more than the other.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: center;\"><strong>Race Ignored<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Spengler virtually ignores race as a biological  reality and even uses the word &#8220;race&#8221; in a non-biological sense to designate full participation in a culture. But no culture, however much of a &#8220;divine superman&#8221; it may be, can change the color of a man&#8217;s eyes or the shape  of his skull, nor is it likely that it can change the convolutions of his  brain or his moral (or immoral) instincts, although, of course, it can, by social pressures and, in extreme cases, force, inhibit or divert the indulgence  of those instincts. The late William S. Haas, in <em>The Destiny of the  Mind, East and West<\/em>, (New York, Macmillan, 1956), has conclusively shown that  there are at least two fundamentally different mental processes and ways of  thinking, each of which is incomprehensible to the other.<\/p>\n<p>For Yockey, the question is less critical than for  Spengler. Yockey is concerned primarily with showing that &#8220;race-differences  between White men, which means Western men, is vanishingiy small&#8221; in comparison with the gulfs that separate Western men from Negroes and Orientals.  That, no one can deny.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: center;\"><strong>III<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><em>Imperium<\/em> contains a number of historical  oversights and lapses, such as are inevitable when a man tries to generalize from a  vast mass of complex details \u2014 inevitable even when the author writes in a  well-stocked library after decades of intensive study and meditation. Yockey, it must  be remembered, was a young man of thirty-one, by profession a lawyer, who  wrote in a room of an isolated inn on the lonely shore of the Irish Sea north  of St. George&#8217;s Channel \u2014 wrote from <em>memory<\/em> in a fire of inspiration and while  still feeling the moral revulsion caused, by his participation in the early  stages of the obscene farce that was enacted at Nuremberg to provide a  hypocritical pretext for the lynchings that the United States carried out as a pawn  of the International Communist Conspiracy. I shall merely list the three most conspicuous historical errors.<\/p>\n<p>(1) When\u00a0  Yockey wrote that Germany, during the five hundred years that followed 1267, was comparatively spared and did not  suffer as great a loss of life in war as other European nations, he momentarily  forgot the Thirty Years War, which he mentions in other connections.<\/p>\n<p>(2) His statement that the bloody do-gooders of the French Revolution killed &#8220;between two and four thousand&#8221; during the Terror comes from a confused recollection of a figure given for a few days. Prudhomme, who participated in part of that democratic orgy and certainly had no reason  to exaggerate, computed the total number of victims of the Terror at  1,022,351, exclusive of the massacres at Toulon, Marseilles, Bedouin, La Force, and  many other places.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: center;\"><strong>The Jewish Race<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>(3) When Yockey concluded that the Jewish &#8220;race&#8221; (in his non-biological sense of the word) was formed by the ghettoes of  Mediaeval Europe, he probably did not know that the historical record extends over twenty-five centuries. There is no reason to suppose that the Jews who  migrated to the Mediaeval cities and established their ghettoes aroused more  resentment among the Christian populations than the Jews who settled on an island  in the Nile near the First Cataract aroused among the native Egyptian  population in the fifth century B.C. Yockey&#8217;s mistake, by the way, vitiates the  parallel that he draws between the Jews in Europe and the Parsees in India.<\/p>\n<p>Such errors of detail do not invalidate the general  thesis of <em>Imperium<\/em>. Yockey&#8217;s analysis of the forces that are eroding our civilization is significantly supported by the fact that Lawrence R.  Brown, who wrote when <em>Imperium<\/em> was almost unprocurable and seems never to  have heard of it, reached substantially the same conclusions by an entirely different method in his learned and lucid work, <em>The Might of the West<\/em> (New York, Obolensky, 1963). And in several distinct areas, the future  that Yockey forecast in 1947 seems to be taking shape before our eyes today. <em>Imperium<\/em> is not a revelation of an ineluctable future, but it is a work that we  must study and ponder, if we would act intelligently in our time.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: center;\"><strong>Distressing Philosophy <\/strong><\/p>\n<p>With few exceptions, American conservatives will be  deeply distressed by <em>Imperium<\/em>. In the United States today, virtually all  of the opposition to the Communist takeover now in progress comes from men and  women who believe firmly in the principles on which our Constitution was  founded, and who are working, often with dedication and devotion, to restore what  they regard as the fundamentals of civilized society: a strictly limited  government, the feasible maximum of personal liberty, a free market of private  enterprise, and a society that is reasonably cohesive and homogeneous because the intelligent individuals in it will accept certain common moral values  from an inner conviction, and will, furthermore, be able to control, by their  influence and activity, the legislative and other decisions that the society  makes. (I suppose that most conservatives realize, although they do not say, that  the last point implies some limitation of suffrage at least as stringent as  that which prevailed in the various states and was taken for granted at the  time that the Constitution was formulated.) The Conservative attitude,  furthermore, seeks peace and tranquillity, both domestic and foreign, regarding war  as a regrettable necessity of national self-defense, and categorically  rejecting foreign conquests except in such limited areas as may be strategically necessary for defense. (This opposition to imperialism is, for the most  part, rational: it has nothing to do with sentimental and usually hypocritical snivelling about &#8220;underprivileged&#8221; cannibals and &#8220;&#8216;underdeveloped&#8221; barbarians; it is based on the observation that imperial nations have to disperse and dissipate the most valuable part  of their population, and are likely to find that an authoritarian government is  the price of empire.)<\/p>\n<p>The future prefigured by Yockey is an almost  complete antithesis to what American Conservatives want and hope to attain. The  one point of agreement is that the Bolsheviks and their feral conspiracy  must be defeated and destroyed. What Yockey offers us, apart from that, is  shocking: an authoritarian and absolute government under a new line of Caesars,  personal libertv restricted by the need for solidarity, discipline in  all matters of political importance, an economy controlled and regulated by  the Caesars and a society that coheres by virtue of an ethos that will, if necessary, be ruthlessly enforced. And such domestic peace as we may  know can be attained only by recognizing the West&#8217;s &#8220;Inner Imperative of Absolute Imperialism.&#8221;<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: center;\"><strong>Salutary Experience<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>That is why a reading of <em>Imperium<\/em> is a salutary experience for thoughtful American conservatives today. It forces us, to reexamine the realities of the situation before us, and to decide to what extent our objectives are still possible. For most of us, I am certain, there will  be no question of changing in any way our conception of what is desirable. The problem will be that of deciding which, if any, of our specific  objectives we should abandon because they can no longer be attained. If we abandon  any, we shall do so in the spirit of men who, on a crippled ship, jettison some  or all of the cargo because otherwise they would have no chance of bringing the  ship and themselves to port. We shall do so for the reasons that impel a man  to abandon his most valuable possessions in a burning house in order to  save his wife and children.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: center;\"><strong>Historical Question<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>We are confronted by an historical question which  each of us must solve for himself. No man was ever more devoted to the concept of a republican and rational government than Cicero: in the end, he gave his  life for it. But had Cicero, at any point in his career, been able to foresee  as inevitable that long series of national calamities that eventually  brought the Roman world under the superficially disguised but absolute despotism of Caesar&#8217;s heir and more ruthless successor, would Cicero have changed his  policy and worked to hasten, rather than avert, the end of the republic?  The Romans of the next century whose sentiments are brilliantly\u00a0\u00a0 expressed\u00a0\u00a0 in\u00a0\u00a0 Lucan&#8217;s sonorous and threnodic epic, had not yet lost their understanding of republican  principles, but they bitterly regretted that their ancestors had not recognized and accepted in time what Yockey calls &#8220;the Inner Imperative of\u00a0 Absolute\u00a0 Imperialism.&#8221; The question, then, is whether what Cicero did\u00a0 not foresee was really\u00a0 inevitable (as\u00a0 Yockey\u00a0 believes)  or could it have been averted by the exercise of human prudence and courage in the hours of decision? Or  did the fatality lie precisely in the composition of the Roman people, because  they had, by Cicero&#8217;s time, so deteriorated that they were no longer willing  to pay the economic and social price of liberty and were therefore incapable of permitting the exercise of the prudence and\u00a0 courage necessary to preserve it?<\/p>\n<p>The American conservative today is essentially in  Cicero&#8217;s position \u2014 which is not, perhaps, astonishing, since Cicero, more than any  other man, by his thought and example, inspired our Constitution. Our immediate  and urgent problem, though complicated by some factors peculiar to the  modern world, is essentially the one that Cicero and his honorable  contemporaries faced: <em>What is it now possible for us to salvage and preserve? And what  must we be prepared to sacrifice in order to save what can be saved?<\/em><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: center;\"><strong>Great Value<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>The great value of <em>Imperium<\/em> is that it  forces us to reconsider our position realistically. We cannot afford the least  sentimentality or illusion; we must not equate words with deeds; we dare not mistake  wishes for possibilities. Our situation is too desperate. We must understand  that we, the civilized men of the West, are a minority in this world \u2014 a small  minority hated with an abiding and implacable rancor by the vast and teeming  barbarism that surrounds us and by the Neanderthals in our midst. We exist today  only through the power of the technology of which we are the sole creators.  And Yockey is indubitably right when he reminds us that &#8220;technical  superiority is helpless in the last analysis unless it is accompanied by superiority  of will-power, of the will-to-conquer.&#8221; The issue is simply the survival of the West. It is by no means certain \u2014 in my opinion, it is not even  likely \u2014 that to survive we shall have to resign ourselves to the loss of all or even  most of what Yockey would have us resign to the Caesars. But if <em>Imperium<\/em> shocks  us into a realization of how precarious are our chances of survival, and of how  hard we shall have to fight for everything that we save, it will mark an epoch  in our history.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>by Revilo P. Oliver (The American Mercury, June 1966) IN 1857, less than fifty thousand British troops overawed and held in check the whole of the teeming subcontinent of India while suppressing the mutiny of almost a quarter of a <a class=\"more-link\" href=\"https:\/\/www.revilo-oliver.com\/news\/1966\/06\/the-shadow-of-empire-francis-parker-yockey-after-twenty-years\/\">Read More &#8230;<\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":"","_links_to":"","_links_to_target":""},"categories":[13,3,7],"tags":[148,45,10,142,9,149,147,8,150],"class_list":["post-246","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-books","category-essays","category-reviews","tag-cicero","tag-constitution","tag-francis-parker-yockey","tag-imperium","tag-kevin-alfred-strom","tag-race","tag-repubics","tag-revilo-oliver","tag-western-civilization"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.revilo-oliver.com\/news\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/246","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.revilo-oliver.com\/news\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.revilo-oliver.com\/news\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.revilo-oliver.com\/news\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.revilo-oliver.com\/news\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=246"}],"version-history":[{"count":4,"href":"https:\/\/www.revilo-oliver.com\/news\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/246\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":250,"href":"https:\/\/www.revilo-oliver.com\/news\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/246\/revisions\/250"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.revilo-oliver.com\/news\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=246"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.revilo-oliver.com\/news\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=246"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.revilo-oliver.com\/news\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=246"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}